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These documents were scanned, collated and catalogued by Ruth Murray, Annabel Harris, Isha Pareek, Eleanor Williams, Antoine Yenk, Harriet Carter, Rosa Moore, Oliver Nicholls, Kieran Wetherwick, and Cerys Griffiths.
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65 1992 - 1997
3
20
9
56
61 1997 - 1997
84 1996 - 1997
112 1997 - 1997
4 1997
70 1997 - 1997
85 1997 - 1997
52 1997 - 1997
38 1991 - 1991
61 1991 - 1992
48 1992 - 1993
58 1993 - 1993
59 1993 - 1993
84 1993 - 1993
134 1993 - 1994
49 1996 - 1996
48 1996 - 1996
87 1996 - 1996
79 1996 - 1996
78 1996 - 1996
55 1996 - 1996
86 1996 - 1996
96 1992 - 1997
79 1996 - 1997
58 1996 - 1997
117 1996 - 1997
46 1997 - 1997
49 1996 - 1997
27 1988 - None
8 1989 - 1990
55 1990 - 1991
64 1991 - 1991
60 1993 - 1994
77 1993 - 1993
64 1993 - 1993
49 1993 - 1995
54 1993 - 1993
57 1993 - 1993
59 1993 - 1993
51 1993 - 1993
26 1993 - 1993
38 1993 - 1993
65 1993 - 1993
37 1993 - 1993
32 1993 - 1993
18 1993 - 1993
24 1993 - 1994
41 1993 - 1994
76 1993 - 1994
32 1993 - 1994
72 1993 - 1994
1 1994
33 1996 - 1996
14 1996 - 1997
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30 1996 - 1996
7 1996 - 1996
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17 1996 - 1996
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26 1996 - 1996
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47 1996 - 1996
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17 196 - 1996
60 1996 - 1996
77 1996 - 1996
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39 1996 - 1996
14 1996 - 1996
61 1996 - 1996
23 1996 - 1996
16 1996 - 1996
Key discussion points: how to manage Unionist opinion of a Joint Declaration: Irish anxious that the process would not depend on Molyneaux approval. British accepted but proposed a number of their own conditions: that the JDI be compatible with the Talks process, that Sinn Fein be thoroughly quarantined (following the end of violence) along their road to joining negotiations, and that the Irish government assure that the JDI would lead the PIRA to cease violence. Both sides perceived the Hume report to the Irish government, following his talks with Gerry Adams, as problematic for the JDI. The British perceived it as fatal. Differences remained over aspects of the new draft (JD10) that was discussed. Particularly, the British were nervous about the reference to the Irish constitution, and wanted more language pertaining to their own constitutional guarantee of the union. This latter point proved particularly thorny - debate continued over whether it mattered that the Provisionals did not accept the constitutional guarantee given the phrasing would frame it as a conviction only of the British government. The British framed this issue as crucial for the whole future process. The British are especially keen to retain plausible deniability of their involvement in the JDI should it go wrong (i.e. Loyalist backlash, failure to secure Provisional ceasefire).
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Unless further or otherwise specified below, this material falls under Crown Copyright and contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0.
The National Archives of the UK (TNA), digitized by the Quill Project at https://quillproject.net/resource_collections/351/.
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