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These documents were scanned, collated and catalogued by Ruth Murray, Annabel Harris, Isha Pareek, Eleanor Williams, Antoine Yenk, Harriet Carter, Rosa Moore, Oliver Nicholls, Kieran Wetherwick, and Cerys Griffiths.
[{"attributes":{"underline":true,"bold":true},"insert":"JD.15"},{"attributes":{"align":"right"},"insert":"\n"},{"attributes":{"underline":true,"bold":true},"insert":"J.D. 15"},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"\t"},{"attributes":{"underline":true,"bold":true},"insert":"7 December"},{"insert":"\n\n1. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister acknowledge that the most urgent and important issue facing the people of Ireland, North and South, and the British and Irish Governments together, is to remove the causes of conflict, to overcome the legacy of history and to heal the divisions which have resulted, recognising that the absence of a lasting and satisfactory settlement of relationships between the peoples of both islands has contributed to continuing tragedy and suffering. They believe that the development of an agreed framework for peace, which has been discussed between them since early last year, and which is based on a number of key principles articulated by the two Governments over the past 20 years, together with the adaptation of other widely accepted principles, provides the starting point of a peace process designed to culminate in a political settlement.\n\n2. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister are convinced of the inestimable value to both their peoples, "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"and particularly for the next generation"},{"insert":", of healing divisions in Ireland and of ending a conflict which has been so manifestly to the detriment of all. Both recognise that the ending of divisions can come about only though the agreement and co-operation of the people, North and South, representing both traditions in Ireland. They therefore make a solemn commitment to promote co-operation at all levels on the basis of the fundamental principles, undertakings, obligations under international agreements, to which they have jointly committed themselves, and the guarantees which each Government has given, ["},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"including Northern Ireland's statutory"},{"attributes":{"underline":true,"script":"super"},"insert":"1"},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":" constitutional guarantee, which the British Government hereby reaffirm."},{"insert":"]. It is their aim to foster agreement and reconciliation, leading to a new political framework founded on consent and encompassing arrangements within Northern Ireland, for the whole island, and between these islands.\n\n3. They also consider that the development of Europe will, of itself, require new approaches to serve interests common to both parts of Ireland "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"and to Ireland and the United Kingdom as partners in the European Union"},{"insert":".\n\n4. "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"The Prime Minister[, on behalf of the British Government, reaffirms Northern Ireland's statutory constitutional gurantee. At the same time, he]"},{"attributes":{"underline":true,"script":"super"},"insert":"2"},{"insert":" reiterates on behalf of the British Government that they have no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland. "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"Their concern is to uphold the democratic wishes of its people. Consistent with this,"},{"insert":" their primary interest is to see peace, stability and reconciliation established by agreement among all the people who inhabit the island, and they will work together with the Irish Government to achieve such an agreement, which will embrace the totality of relationships. The role of the British Government will be to encourage, assist and enable "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"the achievement of"},{"insert":" such agreement over a period through a process of dialogue and co-operation based on full respect for the rights and identities of both traditions in Ireland. They accept that such agreement may, as of right, take the form of agreed structures for the island as a whole, "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"including a sovereign united Ireland"},{"insert":". The British Government agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"by agreement between the two parts respectively"},{"insert":", to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish. They reaffirm as a binding obligation that they will, for their part, introduce the necessary legislation to give effect to this, or to any measure of agreement on future relationships in Ireland which the people living in Ireland may themselves freely determine without external impediment and on a basis of concurrent North-South consent. They believe that the people of Britain would wish, in friendship to all sides, to enable the people of Ireland to reach agreement on how they may live together in harmony and in partnership, with respect for their diverse traditions and with full recognition of the special links and the unique relationship which exist between the peoples of Britain and Ireland.\n\n5. The Taoiseach, on behalf of the Irish Government, considers that the lessons of Irish history, and especially of Northern Ireland, show that stability and well-being will not be found under any political system which is refused allegiance or rejected on grounds of identity by a significant minority of those governed by it. "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"For this reason, it would be wrong to attempt to impose a united Ireland, in the absence of the freely given consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland."},{"insert":" He accepts, on behalf of the Irish Government, that the democratic right of self-determination by the people of Ireland as a whole must be acheived and exercised with "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"and subject to"},{"insert":" the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland and must, consistent with justice and equity, respect the democratic dignity and the civil rights and religious liberties of both communities. These would be reflected in any future political and constitutional arrangements emerging from a new and more broadly based agreement.\n\n6. The Taoiseach however recognises the genuine difficulties and barriers to building relationships of trust either within or beyond Northern Ireland, from which both traditions suffer. He will work to create a new era of trust, in which suspicions of the motives or actions of others is removed on the part of either community. He considers that the future of the island depends on the nature of the relationship between the two main traditions that inhabit it. Every effort muat be made to build a new sense of trust between those communities. In recognition of the fears of the Unionist community and as a token of his willingness to make a personal contribution to the building up of that necessary trust, the Taoiseach will examine with his colleagues any elements in the democratic life and organisation of the Irish State that can be represented to the Irish Government in the course of political dialogue as a real and substantial threat to their way of life and ethos, or that can be represented as not being fully consistent with a modern democratic and pluralist society, and undertakes to examine any possible ways of removing such obstacles. Such an examination would of course have due regard to the desire to preserve those inherited values that are largely shared throughout the island or that belong to the cultural and historical roots of the people of this island in all their diversity. The Taoiseach hopes that over time a meeting of hearts and minds will develop, which will bring all the people of Ireland together, and will work towards that objective, but he pledges in the meantime that as a result of the efforts that will be made to build mutual confidence no Northern Unionist should ever have to fear in future that this ideal will be pursued either by threat or coercion.\n\n7. "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"Both Governments accept that Irish unity would be achieved only by those who favour this outcome persuading those who do not, peacefully and without coercion or violence, and that, if in the future a majority of the people of Northern Ireland are so persuaded both Governments will support and give legislative effect to their wish"},{"insert":". But notwithstanding the solemn affirmation by both Governments in the Anglo-Irish Agreement that any change in the status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, the Taoiseach also recognises the continuing uncertainties and misgivings which dominate so much of Northern Unionist attitudes towards the rest of Ireland. He believes that we stand at a stage of our history when the genuine feelings of all traditions in the North must be recognised and acknowledged. He appeals to both traditions at this time to grasp the opportunity for a fresh start and a new beginning, which could hold such promise for all our lives and the generations to come. He asks the people of Northern Ireland to look on the people of the Republic as friends, who share their grief and shame over all the suffering of the last quarter of a century, and who want to develop the best possible realtionship with them, a relationship in which trust and new understanding can flourish and grow. The Taoiseach also acknowledges the presence in the Consitution of the Republic of elements which are deeply resented by Northern Unionists, but which at the same time reflect hopes and ideals which lie deep in the hearts of many Irish men and women North and South. But as we move towards a new era of understanding in which new relationships of trust may grow and bring peace to the island of Ireland, the Taoiseach believes that the time has come to consider together how best the hopes and identities of all can be expressed in more balanced ways, which no longer engender division and the lack of trust to which he has referred. "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"He confirms that, in the event of an overall settlement, the Irish Government will, as part of a balanced constitutional accommodation, put forward and support proposals for change in the Irish Constitution which would fully reflect the principle of consent in Northern Ireland."},{"insert":"\n\n8. The Taoiseach recognises the need to engage in dialogue which would address with honest and integrity the fears of all traditions. But that dialogue, both within the North and between the people and their representatives of both parts of Ireland, must be entered into with an acknowledgement that the future security and welfare of the people of the island will depend on an open, frank and balanced approach to all the problems which for too long have caused division.\n\n9. The British and Irish Governments will seek, "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"along with the Northern Ireland constitutional political parties through a process of political dialogue"},{"insert":", to create institutions and structures which, while respecting the diversity of the people of Ireland, would enable them to work together in all areas of common interest. This will help over a period to build the trust necessary to end past divisions, leading to an agreed and peaceful future. Such structures would, of course, include institutional recognition of the special links that exist between the peoples of Britain and Ireland as part of the totality of relationships, while taking account of newly forged links with the rest of Europe.\n\n10. In the light of their joint commitment to promote the foregoing objectives, the Taoiseach has indicated to the Prime Minister his intention of establishing an Irish Convention to consult and advise, as long as is necessary, on the steps required to remove the barriers of distrust which at present divide the people of Ireland and which also stand in the way of the exercise in common by them of self-determination on a basis of equality. It will be open to the Convention to make recommendations on ways in which agreement, in the spirit of the Report of the New Ireland Forum, and respect for the rights and identities of both traditions in Ireland, can be promoted and established. The Convention will operate with full respect for the authority of the institutions established by law in the State. It will be a fundamental guiding principle of the Convention that all differences between the Irish people relating to the exercise in common of the right to self-determination will be resolved exclusively by peaceful, political means.\n\n11. The Convention will be open to democratically mandated political parties in Ireland which abide exclusively by the democratic process and wish to share in dialogue about Ireland's political future and the welfare of all its people. The Irish Government will approach the Convention in a true spirit of openness and magnanimity.\n\n12. "},{"attributes":{"underline":true},"insert":"The British and Irish Governments reiterate that all those claiming a commitment to the cause of peace have an absolute responsibility to renounce permanently the use of, and support for, paramilitary violence. Once such a renunciation of violence had been made and sufficiently demonstrated, new doors would open and both Governments would respond imaginatively to the new situation which would arise. The Prime Minister and the Taoiseach confirm that, on this basis, if the IRA were to end violence for good Sinn Fein could participate fully in democratic politics and in due course join in dialogue between the Governments and the other political parties on the way ahead. The British Government confirm that they would be prepared to enter preliminary exploratory dialogue with Sinn Fein within three months after a permanent cessation of IRA violence had been announced and established. The Irish Government would also make arrangements which would permit Sinn Fein to enter into political dialogue."},{"insert":"\n"}]
Explore Groupings
Grouping Name
PREM 49/114/1
1447
651992 - 1997
PREM 49/114/2
1447
3
PREM 19: Records of the Prime Minister's Office: Correspondence and Papers, 1979–1997
20
PREM 49: Prime Minister's Office: Correspondence and Papers, 1997–2010
9
CJ 4: Home Office and Northern Ireland Office: Registered Files (NI Series)
56
PREM 49/108
1447
611997 - 1997
PREM 49/109
1447
841996 - 1997
PREM 49/110/1
1447
1121997 - 1997
PREM 49/110/2
1447
41997 - 1997
PREM 49/111
1447
701997 - 1997
PREM 49/112
1447
851997 - 1997
PREM 49/113
1447
521997 - 1997
PREM 19/3405
158
381991 - 1991
PREM 19/3823
158
611991 - 1992
PREM 19/4254
158
481992 - 1993
PREM 19/4255
158
581993 - 1993
PREM 19/4263/1
158
591993 - 1993
PREM 19/4263/2
158
841993 - 1993
PREM 19/4264
158
1341993 - 1994
PREM 19/5711
158
491996 - 1996
PREM 19/5712
158
481996 - 1996
PREM 19/5713
158
871996 - 1996
PREM 19/5714
158
791996 - 1996
PREM 19/5715
158
781996 - 1996
PREM 19/5716
158
551996 - 1996
PREM 19/5717
158
861996 - 1996
PREM 19/6086
158
961992 - 1997
PREM 19/6085
158
791996 - 1997
PREM 19/6087
158
581996 - 1997
PREM 19/6088
158
1171996 - 1997
PREM 19/6089
158
461997 - 1997
PREM 19/6147
158
491996 - 1997
CJ 4/8792
157
271988 - None
CJ 4/9243
157
81989 - 1990
CJ 4/9296
157
551990 - 1991
CJ 4/9297
157
641991 - 1991
CJ 4/10482
157
601993 - 1994
CJ 4/10483
157
771993 - 1993
CJ 4/10484
157
641993 - 1993
CJ 4/10486
157
491993 - 1995
CJ 4/10487
157
541993 - 1993
CJ 4/10560
157
571993 - 1993
CJ 4/10562
157
591993 - 1993
CJ 4/10572
157
511993 - 1993
CJ 4/10647
157
261993 - 1993
CJ 4/10648
157
381993 - 1993
CJ 4/10649
157
651993 - 1993
CJ 4/10650
157
371993 - 1993
CJ 4/10651
157
321993 - 1993
CJ 4/10894
157
181993 - 1993
CJ 4/10946
157
241993 - 1994
CJ 4/10947
157
411993 - 1994
CJ 4/10957
157
761993 - 1994
CJ 4/10972
157
321993 - 1994
CJ 4/11016
157
721993 - 1994
CJ 4/11312
157
11994
CJ 4/12176
157
331996 - 1996
CJ 4/12194 [Extract]
157
141996 - 1997
CJ 4/12225 [Extract]
157
41996 - 1996
CJ 4/12229
157
411996 - 1996
CJ 4/12230
157
331996 - 1996
CJ 4/12231
157
301996 - 1996
CJ 4/12232
157
71996 - 1996
CJ 4/12242
157
241996 - 1996
CJ 4/12249
157
171996 - 1996
CJ 4/12250
157
91996 - 1996
CJ 4/12260
157
591996 - 1996
CJ 4/12261
157
741996 - 1996
CJ 4/12263
157
711996 - 1996
CJ 4/12283 [Extract]
157
221996 - 1996
CJ 4/12285
157
771996 - 1996
CJ 4/12286
157
671996 - 1996
CJ 4/12307
157
261996 - 1996
CJ 4/12308
157
201996 - 1997
CJ 4/12309
157
321996 - 1996
CJ 4/12310
157
471996 - 1996
CJ 4/12311
157
101996 - 1996
CJ 4/12313
157
311996 - 1996
CJ 4/12314
157
451996 - 1996
CJ 4/12315
157
17196 - 1996
CJ 4/12319
157
601996 - 1996
CJ 4/12333
157
771996 - 1996
CJ 4/12350 [Extract]
157
61996 - 1997
CJ 4/12385
157
391996 - 1996
CJ 4/12411
157
141996 - 1996
CJ 4/12427/1
157
611996 - 1996
CJ 4/12527
157
231996 - 1996
CJ 4/12653 [Extract]
157
161996 - 1996
Enclosure: Joint Declaration (JD15) – 7 December 1993
Enclosure: Joint Declaration (JD15) – 7 December 1993
3830anglo-irish agreement,articles 2 & 3/irish constitution,british-irish intergovernmental conference,consent principle,decommissioning,downing street declaration,ground rules and procedural challenges in the talks,identity,language and culture,legacy,north/south cooperation,paramilitary activity (republican),self-determination
Unless further or otherwise specified below, this material falls under Crown Copyright and contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0.
None
The National Archives of the UK (TNA), digitized by the Quill Project at https://quillproject.net/resource_collections/351/.
